Le bon et le mauvais flic, ou pourquoi les États-Unis soutiennent Israël

Une manifestation contre le soutien de l’administration Trump à Israël, Londres, le 17 septembre 2025 (photo: Ben Gingell).

3 APRIL 2026 • By Jason Hickel

Select Other Languages English.

Sommes-nous face à un cas de « bon flic / mauvais flic » ? Comment expliquer autrement le soutien aveugle des États-Unis à Israël, malgré une condamnation internationale accablante ?

Pour tenter d’expliquer la « relation privilégiée » entre Israël et les États-Unis, on invoque souvent le pouvoir de l’AIPAC dans les élections américaines, ou d’autres formes d’intervention politique israélienne dans le pays. C’est effectivement une force réelle qu’on ne doit pas ignorer, mais le fait est que si la classe dirigeante américaine soutient largement les actions d’Israël – dans un consensus bipartisan –, c’est parce qu’elle considère ces dernières conformes aux intérêts du capitalisme américain. Et la plupart des autres gouvernements occidentaux (le Royaume-Uni, l’Allemagne, etc.) adoptent cette même position, pour les mêmes raisons.

Selon l’UNICEF, en 2026, Israël était responsable de la mort de plus de 21 000 enfants à Gaza. Et depuis le 7 octobre, Israël a tué plus de 200 journalistes à Gaza et au Liban – soit davantage que l’ensemble des journalistes tués pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la guerre du Vietnam réunies.

Ce qu’il faut comprendre, c’est que l’économie capitaliste est un système-monde, dans lequel la croissance et l’accumulation au cœur de l’empire (par exemple, les États-Unis et l’Europe occidentale) reposent largement sur l’appropriation d’une main-d’œuvre bon marché et de ressources provenant de la périphérie et de la semi-périphérie, autrement dit, du Sud global. Les États et les entreprises d’Occident ont besoin que les États du Sud leur restent subordonnés et continuent ainsi de leur fournir du travail à peu de coût, des matières premières et des biens de consommation au sein des chaînes de fabrication mondiales. 

Pour maintenir cet ordre, les États du centre doivent trouver des moyens d’empêcher le développement de la souveraineté économique dans les pays du Sud. Le développement souverain implique que les populations du Sud commencent à s’émanciper et que leurs salaires augmentent, qu’elles produisent davantage pour elles-mêmes et qu’elles consomment leur propre production. Une telle dynamique entraîne une hausse du prix des ressources et des importations pour le centre, ce qui se traduit ensuite par une limitation de la consommation et un frein au profit.

C’est là que tout se joue : la souveraineté économique en périphérie menace l’accumulation de capital au centre. Pour l’éviter, les États du centre doivent systématiquement intervenir afin d’entraver ou d’écraser tout mouvement et tout gouvernement de périphérie qui chercherait la libération nationale et la souveraineté économique.

Les États-Unis ont commencé à soutenir le projet sioniste dans les années 1960 car ils y voyaient un moyen de disposer d’un relais militaire en Asie occidentale, à partir duquel mener des opérations de contre-insurrection contre les mouvements socialistes arabes et les luttes de libération nationale, alors populaires dans la région. Les États-Unis ne pouvaient pas admettre la perspective d’un développement souverain dans une région qu’ils considèrent comme le centre du monde, au carrefour de l’Europe, de l’Afrique et de l’Asie, dans laquelle se concentrent nombre de ressources et de routes commerciales cruciales. Il leur fallait écraser ou déstabiliser les mouvements de libération, et Israël était un de leurs moyens de le faire. 

Que ce soit dans les pays arabes ou en Iran, Israël joue un rôle essentiel dans l’assassinat de leaders populaires (dont Yahya Sinwar, Hassan Nasrallah, Qassem Soleimani, et l’ayatollah Ali Khamenei sont les plus récents ajouts d’une liste bien plus longue) et permet l’ingérence dans la vie politique des pays arabes pour prévenir l’arrivée au pouvoir de partis nationalistes ou socialistes. Israël a un long historique d’attaques contre des États de la région – Liban, Irak, Syrie, Jordanie, Égypte, Yémen, etc. –, les déstabilisant et les contraignant à consacrer leurs ressources à des dépenses militaires plutôt qu’au développement industriel. Cela s’inscrit pleinement dans la stratégie américaine, tout en servant directement l’objectif israélien de lever les obstacles à la normalisation et à l’expansion territoriale.

Et pas seulement en Asie occidentale : Israël a une longue histoire de soutien militaire et de coopération en matière de renseignement avec des régimes de droite à travers le monde. Par exemple, Israël a armé et soutenu la junte militaire argentine, appuyée par les États-Unis, responsable de l’assassinat de 30 000 socialistes et opposants politiques. Il a également contribué au génocide au Guatemala, soutenu par les États-Unis, en armant et en formant des cadres militaires aux techniques de torture et de nettoyage ethnique.

Les États-Unis soutiennent Israël pour les mêmes raisons que celles qui, depuis les années 1950, les ont conduits à soutenir l’organisation d’assassinats et de coups d’État envers les dirigeants de mouvements de libération à travers tout le Sud global, lesquels ont renversé Mohammed Mossadegh (Iran), Patrice Lumumba (RDC), Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Salvador Allende (Chili), Jacobo Árbenz (Guatemala), Sukarno (Indonésie) et Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), entre autres. Ce sont exactement les mêmes raisons que celles pour lesquelles ils ont envahi le Vietnam, détruit la Libye et imposé des sanctions à Cuba. Le schéma est toujours le même, avec les mêmes objectifs.

C’est pourquoi Israël est si méprisé à travers le monde. Non seulement parce qu’il s’acharne à poursuivre le nettoyage ethnique en Palestine, mais aussi en raison de ses interventions visant à écraser les mouvements populaires et à semer le chaos et l’instabilité, qui sont intolérables.

Israël n’est donc pas un « allié » des États-Unis au sens classique du terme. C’est une force de relais, un chien d’attaque. Cette relation est particulièrement utile à l’élite politique américaine, car elle permet aux décideurs de maintenir une certaine distance vis-à-vis de leurs actions et de préserver une forme de déni plausible. Les États-Unis peuvent fournir des armes à Israël et coordonner directement leur stratégie militaire avec lui, puis prétendre ne pas être responsables des violences, des destructions et des crimes de guerre qu’il commet dans la région. Les deux dernières années témoignent de l’ampleur avec laquelle cette stratégie du « bon flic / mauvais flic » a été déployée.

Les États du centre ont fait un usage similaire de l’Afrique du Sud. La raison principale pour laquelle les puissances occidentales ont soutenu le régime d’apartheid en Afrique du Sud – là aussi malgré une vaste condamnation internationale – est que le pays constituait pour elles un avant-poste militaire colonial équipé pour mener des opérations contre-révolutionnaires, non seulement à l’intérieur du pays, notamment contre l’ANC et le Parti communiste (rappelons qu’aux États-Unis, Mandela est resté classé terroriste jusqu’en 2008), mais également en dehors, comme ce fut le cas en Angola, au Mozambique, au Zimbabwe, en Namibie, ou en RDC, entre autres, semant partout la violence et le chaos.

L’écrasante majorité du monde – ainsi que le droit international – soutient la libération de la Palestine, mais les États-Unis et leurs principaux alliés s’y opposent. Pourquoi ? Parce que la libération de la Palestine couperait le contact avec un important relais des États-Unis, en plus d’ouvrir la voie à d’autres mouvements de libération dans la région. Une Palestine libérée signifie une Asie occidentale libérée. Et une Asie occidentale libérée, capable de contrôler ses propres ressources et routes commerciales, capable de commercer dans la devise de son choix, est profondément contraire aux intérêts du capital occidental.

Voilà donc la situation. Les classes dirigeantes occidentales sont prêtes à tolérer une violence extrême à Gaza, au Liban et en Iran, et à piétiner les valeurs libérales qu’elles prétendent défendre – ce qui donne lieu, au passage, à de véritables démonstrations d’hypocrisie – afin de maintenir les conditions de l’accumulation du capital et de leur hégémonie géopolitique. C’est ainsi que se déploie la politique des États-Unis. Les gesticulations morales de Biden durant son mandat, les discours sur le « trop grand nombre de vies innocentes perdues », n’étaient en réalité qu’une mise en scène destinée à désamorcer l’indignation. Sous Trump, cette façade de préoccupation a disparu : on parle désormais ouvertement de subordonner les États d’Asie occidentale et de contrôler leurs ressources.

On ne peut pas s’adresser à une puissance impériale sur un registre moral. Les États-Unis ne cesseront d’armer, de financer et de soutenir le régime sioniste que si cela leur devient trop coûteux. Cela dépendra de la force de l’opposition politique et militaire régionale, de celle du Groupe de La Haye et du mouvement pour le boycott, le désinvestissement et les sanctions, ainsi que de l’application effective de véritables mesures punitives par les juridictions internationales.
Traduit de l’anglais par Alice Nalpas


Cette tribune a d’abord été publiée sous une forme légèrement différente, sous le titre « Why Does the US Support Israel’s Crimes? », sur le Substack de Jason Hickel.

Les opinions publiées dans The Markaz Review reflètent le point de vue de leurs auteurs et ne représentent pas nécessairement celui de TMR.

Jason Hickel

Jason Hickel is a political economist, author, and Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. He is an ICREA Professor at the Institute for Environmental Science & Technology (ICTA), and at the Department of Political Science & Public Law at the Autonomous... Read more

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17 APRIL 2023 • By Seta Kabranian-Melkonian
Artsakh and the Truth About the Legend of Monte Melkonian
Film Reviews

Yallah Gaza! Presents the Case for Gazan Humanity

10 APRIL 2023 • By Karim Goury
<em>Yallah Gaza!</em> Presents the Case for Gazan Humanity
Beirut

Tel Aviv-Beirut, a Film on War, Love & Borders

20 MARCH 2023 • By Karim Goury
<em>Tel Aviv-Beirut</em>, a Film on War, Love & Borders
Beirut

Interview with Michale Boganim, Director of Tel Aviv-Beirut

20 MARCH 2023 • By Karim Goury
Interview with Michale Boganim, Director of <em>Tel Aviv-Beirut</em>
Book Reviews

In Search of Fathers: Raja Shehadeh’s Palestinian Memoir

13 MARCH 2023 • By Amal Ghandour
In Search of Fathers: Raja Shehadeh’s Palestinian Memoir
Essays

Home Under Siege: a Palestine Photo Essay

5 MARCH 2023 • By Anam Raheem
Home Under Siege: a Palestine Photo Essay
Art & Photography

Becoming Palestine Imagines a Liberated Future

27 FEBRUARY 2023 • By Katie Logan
<em>Becoming Palestine</em> Imagines a Liberated Future
Book Reviews

Yemen War Survivors Speak in What Have You Left Behind?

20 FEBRUARY 2023 • By Saliha Haddad
Yemen War Survivors Speak in <em>What Have You Left Behind?</em>
Beirut

Arab Women’s War Stories, Oral Histories from Lebanon

13 FEBRUARY 2023 • By Evelyne Accad
Arab Women’s War Stories, Oral Histories from Lebanon
Poetry Markaz

Poet Mihaela Moscaliuc—a “Permanent Immigrant”

5 FEBRUARY 2023 • By Mihaela Moscaliuc
Poet Mihaela Moscaliuc—a “Permanent Immigrant”
Art

The Creative Resistance in Palestinian Art

26 DECEMBER 2022 • By Malu Halasa
The Creative Resistance in Palestinian Art
Book Reviews

Mohamed Makhzangi Despairs at Man’s Cruelty to Animals

26 DECEMBER 2022 • By Saliha Haddad
Mohamed Makhzangi Despairs at Man’s Cruelty to Animals
Essays

Conflict and Freedom in Palestine, a Trip Down Memory Lane

15 DECEMBER 2022 • By Eman Quotah
Art

Museums in Exile—MO.CO’s show for Chile, Sarajevo & Palestine

12 DECEMBER 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
Museums in Exile—MO.CO’s show for Chile, Sarajevo & Palestine
Columns

Sudden Journeys: Israel’s Intimate Separations—Part 3

5 DECEMBER 2022 • By Jenine Abboushi
Sudden Journeys: Israel’s Intimate Separations—Part 3
Book Reviews

Fida Jiryis on Palestine in Stranger in My Own Land

28 NOVEMBER 2022 • By Diana Buttu
Fida Jiryis on Palestine in <em>Stranger in My Own Land</em>
Editorial

You Don’t Have to Be A Super Hero to Be a Heroine

15 OCTOBER 2022 • By TMR
You Don’t Have to Be A Super Hero to Be a Heroine
Columns

Sudden Journeys: Israel’s Intimate Separations—Part 1

26 SEPTEMBER 2022 • By Jenine Abboushi
Sudden Journeys: Israel’s Intimate Separations—Part 1
Film

Ziad Kalthoum: Trajectory of a Syrian Filmmaker

15 SEPTEMBER 2022 • By Viola Shafik
Ziad Kalthoum: Trajectory of a Syrian Filmmaker
Essays

Phoneless in Filthy Berlin

15 SEPTEMBER 2022 • By Maisan Hamdan, Rana Asfour
Phoneless in Filthy Berlin
Columns

Unapologetic Palestinians, Reactionary Germans

15 SEPTEMBER 2022 • By Abir Kopty
Unapologetic Palestinians, Reactionary Germans
Art & Photography

Photographer Mohamed Badarne (Palestine) and his U48 Project

15 SEPTEMBER 2022 • By Viola Shafik
Photographer Mohamed Badarne (Palestine) and his U48 Project
Opinion

Attack on Salman Rushdie is Shocking Tip of the Iceberg

15 AUGUST 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
Attack on Salman Rushdie is Shocking Tip of the Iceberg
Art

Abundant Middle Eastern Talent at the ’22 Avignon Theatre Fest

18 JULY 2022 • By Nada Ghosn
Abundant Middle Eastern Talent at the ’22 Avignon Theatre Fest
Latest Reviews

American Theocracy and Failed States

15 JULY 2022 • By Ani Zonneveld
American Theocracy and Failed States
Film Reviews

War and Trauma in Yemen: Asim Abdulaziz’s “1941”

15 JULY 2022 • By Farah Abdessamad
War and Trauma in Yemen: Asim Abdulaziz’s “1941”
Opinion

Israel and Palestine: Focus on the Problem, Not the Solution

30 MAY 2022 • By Mark Habeeb
Israel and Palestine: Focus on the Problem, Not the Solution
Essays

We, Palestinian Israelis

15 MAY 2022 • By Jenine Abboushi
We, Palestinian Israelis
Latest Reviews

Palestinian Filmmaker, Israeli Passport

15 MAY 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
Palestinian Filmmaker, Israeli Passport
Book Reviews

In East Jerusalem, Palestinian Youth Struggle for Freedom

15 MAY 2022 • By Mischa Geracoulis
Featured excerpt

Palestinian and Israeli: Excerpt from “Haifa Fragments”

15 MAY 2022 • By khulud khamis
Palestinian and Israeli: Excerpt from “Haifa Fragments”
Film

Art Film Depicts the Landlocked Drama of Nagorno-Karabakh

2 MAY 2022 • By Taline Voskeritchian
Art Film Depicts the Landlocked Drama of Nagorno-Karabakh
Opinion

Palestinians and Israelis Will Commemorate the Nakba Together

25 APRIL 2022 • By Rana Salman, Yonatan Gher
Palestinians and Israelis Will Commemorate the Nakba Together
Film Reviews

Palestine in Pieces: Hany Abu-Assad’s Huda’s Salon

21 MARCH 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
Palestine in Pieces: Hany Abu-Assad’s <em>Huda’s Salon</em>
Opinion

U.S. Sanctions Russia for its Invasion of Ukraine; Now Sanction Israel for its Occupation of Palestine

21 MARCH 2022 • By Yossi Khen, Jeff Warner
U.S. Sanctions Russia for its Invasion of Ukraine; Now Sanction Israel for its Occupation of Palestine
Columns

Nowruz and The Sins of the New Day

21 MARCH 2022 • By Maha Tourbah
Nowruz and The Sins of the New Day
Art

Fiction: “Skin Calluses” by Khalil Younes

15 MARCH 2022 • By Khalil Younes
Fiction: “Skin Calluses” by Khalil Younes
Columns

“There’s Nothing Worse Than War”

24 FEBRUARY 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
“There’s Nothing Worse Than War”
Fiction

Fiction from “Free Fall”: I fled the city as a murderer whose crime had just been uncovered

15 JANUARY 2022 • By Abeer Esber, Nouha Homad
Fiction from “Free Fall”: I fled the city as a murderer whose crime had just been uncovered
Book Reviews

Temptations of the Imagination: how Jana Elhassan and Samar Yazbek transmogrify the world

10 JANUARY 2022 • By Rana Asfour
Temptations of the Imagination: how Jana Elhassan and Samar Yazbek transmogrify the world
Essays

Syria Through British Eyes

29 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Rana Haddad
Syria Through British Eyes
Fiction

The Promotion (a short story from Saudi Arabia)

22 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Waqar Ahmed
The Promotion (a short story from Saudi Arabia)
Film Reviews

Victims of Discrimination Never Forget in The Forgotten Ones

1 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Victims of Discrimination Never Forget in <em>The Forgotten Ones</em>
Featured excerpt

Memoirs of a Militant, My Years in the Khiam Women’s Prison

15 OCTOBER 2021 • By Nawal Qasim Baidoun
Memoirs of a Militant, My Years in the Khiam Women’s Prison
Film Reviews

Will Love Triumph in the Midst of Gaza’s 14-Year Siege?

11 OCTOBER 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Will Love Triumph in the Midst of Gaza’s 14-Year Siege?
Columns

In Flawed Democracies, White Supremacy and Ethnocentrism Flourish

1 AUGUST 2021 • By Mya Guarnieri
In Flawed Democracies, White Supremacy and Ethnocentrism Flourish
Art

Malak Mattar — Gaza Artist and Survivor

14 JULY 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Malak Mattar — Gaza Artist and Survivor
Columns

The Semantics of Gaza, War and Truth

14 JULY 2021 • By Mischa Geracoulis
The Semantics of Gaza, War and Truth
Essays

Making a Film in Gaza

14 JULY 2021 • By Elana Golden
Making a Film in Gaza
Weekly

The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter

4 JULY 2021 • By Maryam Zar
The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter
Book Reviews

ISIS and the Absurdity of War in the Age of Twitter

4 JULY 2021 • By Jessica Proett
ISIS and the Absurdity of War in the Age of Twitter
Columns

The Diplomats’ Quarter: Wasta of the Palestinian Authority

14 JUNE 2021 • By Raja Shehadeh
The Diplomats’ Quarter: Wasta of the Palestinian Authority
Book Reviews

The Triumph of Love and the Palestinian Revolution

16 MAY 2021 • By Fouad Mami
Essays

The Wall We Can’t Tell You About

14 MAY 2021 • By Jean Lamore
The Wall We Can’t Tell You About
Art

The Murals of Yemen’s Haifa Subay

14 MAY 2021 • By Farah Abdessamad
The Murals of Yemen’s Haifa Subay

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