Why Does the U.S. Support Israel’s Crimes?

A march protesting against the Trump Administration's support of Israel, London, Sept. 17, 2025 (photo Ben Gingell).

3 APRIL 2026 • By Jason Hickel

Is this a case of good cop/bad cop? How else to explain blind U.S. support for Israel even in the face of overwhelming international condemnation.

In attempting to explain the “special relationship” between Israel and the U.S., people tend to fall back on narratives about the power of AIPAC in U.S. elections and other forms of Israeli political intervention in the U.S. That’s a real force and cannot be ignored, but the reality is that the U.S. ruling class broadly supports Israel’s actions — with bipartisan consensus — because they see this as aligned with the interests of U.S. capitalism. And most other Western governments (Britain, Germany, etc.) hold the same position for much the same reason.

The important thing to understand is that the capitalist economy is a worldsystem, where growth and accumulation in the imperial core (e.g, the U.S. and Western Europe) relies heavily on the appropriation of cheap labor and resources from the periphery and semi-periphery, or the global South. Western states and firms need Southern states to remain subordinated suppliers of cheap labor, raw materials, and consumer goods within global commodity chains.

In order to maintain this arrangement, the core states must find ways to suppress sovereign economic development in the South. Sovereign development means Southerners begin to escape their subordination, produce more for themselves, increase their wages, and consume their own output. This makes resources and inputs more expensive for the core, which constrains their consumption and makes it more difficult for them to realize profits.

This is the key point: economic sovereignty in the periphery threatens capital accumulation in the core. To avoid this, the core states must constantly intervene to prevent or crush any movement or government in the periphery that seeks national liberation and economic sovereignty.

The U.S. started to support the Zionist project in the 1960s, because they saw this as a way to have a military proxy in West Asia, where they could stage counter-insurgency operations against the Arab socialist movements and national liberation struggles that were popular across the region at that time. The US could not accept the prospect of sovereign development in this region, which the U.S. military itself considers the center of the world, at the hinge of Europe, Africa and Asia, comprising critical resources and trade routes. The liberation movements had to be crushed or destabilized, and they used Israel to help them do it.

Israel has been instrumental in assassinating popular leaders in the larger Arab-Persian region (recently adding Yahya Sinwar, Hassan Nasrallah, Qassem Soleimani, and Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to their long list of targets), and interfering in the political processes of Arab countries to prevent nationalist and socialist parties from coming to power. It has a long history of attacking regional states — Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Egypt, Yemen, etc. — destabilizing them and forcing them to divert resources toward defensive spending instead of industrial development. This is in full alignment with U.S. strategy, while also directly contributing to Israel’s goal of removing obstacles to normalization and territorial expansion. 

Not only in West Asia: Israel has a long history of providing military and intelligence support to right-wing regimes around the world. For example, Israel armed and supported Argentina’s U.S.-backed military junta, which murdered 30,000 socialists and political dissidents. And Israel armed and assisted the U.S.-backed genocide in Guatemala, training military cadres in techniques of torture and ethnic cleansing.

The U.S. supports Israel for the exact same reasons that they have backed the plotters of assassinations and coups against liberation leaders across the global South since the 1950s, which deposed Mohammed Mossadegh (Iran), Patrice Lumumba (DRC), Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Salvador Allende (Chile), Jacobo Arbenz (Guatemala), Sukarno (Indonesia), Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), etc. They do it for the same reason they invaded Vietnam, destroyed Libya, and imposed sanctions on Cuba. It is always the same pattern with the same objectives.

This is why Israel is so despised around the world. Not only because Israel is hell-bent on ethnically cleansing Palestine, but because it intervenes everywhere to crush popular movements and create chaos and instability, and this is intolerable.

So Israel is not an “ally” of the U.S. in the conventional sense of the term. It is a proxy force — an attack dog. This relationship is particularly useful to the U.S. political elite, because it allows decision makers to have a degree of distance from their actions and maintain plausible deniability. The U.S. can send weapons to Israel and directly coordinate military strategy with their proxy, and then claim it is not responsible for the violence, destruction, and war crimes that Israel perpetrates in the region. One has only to look at the last two years to see how extensively this good-cop/bad-cop strategy has been deployed.

The core states used South Africa in the same way. The key reason that Western powers supported the apartheid regime in South Africa — also against overwhelming international condemnation — was because it served as a highly militarized Western colonial outpost that was geared up to run counter-revolutionary operations, not only within South Africa (against the African National Congress and the Communist Party; remember the U.S. listed Mandela as a “terrorist” until 2008), but also in Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, the DRC, etc., sowing immense violence and chaos.

The vast majority of the world — and international law itself — supports Palestinian liberation, but the U.S. and its main allies reject this. Why? Because Palestinian liberation would remove a key U.S. proxy, and would open the way to liberation movements elsewhere in the region. A liberated Palestine means a liberated West Asia. And a liberated West Asia — which could control its own resources and trade routes, and sell in whatever currency it likes — is strongly antithetical to the interests of Western capital.

So this is the situation we are in. The Western ruling classes are willing to back obscene violence in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, and shred the liberal values they claim to believe in — resulting in breathtaking displays of hypocrisy — because they want to maintain the conditions for capital accumulation and geopolitical hegemony. This is U.S. policy. All the handwringing by Biden in the previous administration, the discourse about “too many innocent lives lost,” was theatre designed to defuse our outrage. Under Trump that veneer of concern is gone; they speak openly of subordinating West Asian states and controlling their resources.

You cannot appeal to imperial power in moral terms. The only way the U.S. will stop arming, funding and propping up the Zionist regime is when it becomes too costly for them to do so. This will come down to the strength of regional political and military opposition, together with the strength of the Hague Group and the movement for boycotts, divestment, and sanctions, as well as real punitive measures that can be applied by international courts.


Opinions published in The Markaz Review reflect the perspective of their authors and do not necessarily represent TMR.

Jason Hickel

Jason Hickel is a political economist, author, and Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. He is an ICREA Professor at the Institute for Environmental Science & Technology (ICTA), and at the Department of Political Science & Public Law at the Autonomous... Read more

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Book Reviews

In East Jerusalem, Palestinian Youth Struggle for Freedom

15 MAY 2022 • By Mischa Geracoulis
Featured excerpt

Palestinian and Israeli: Excerpt from “Haifa Fragments”

15 MAY 2022 • By khulud khamis
Palestinian and Israeli: Excerpt from “Haifa Fragments”
Film

Art Film Depicts the Landlocked Drama of Nagorno-Karabakh

2 MAY 2022 • By Taline Voskeritchian
Art Film Depicts the Landlocked Drama of Nagorno-Karabakh
Opinion

Palestinians and Israelis Will Commemorate the Nakba Together

25 APRIL 2022 • By Rana Salman, Yonatan Gher
Palestinians and Israelis Will Commemorate the Nakba Together
Film Reviews

Palestine in Pieces: Hany Abu-Assad’s Huda’s Salon

21 MARCH 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
Palestine in Pieces: Hany Abu-Assad’s <em>Huda’s Salon</em>
Opinion

U.S. Sanctions Russia for its Invasion of Ukraine; Now Sanction Israel for its Occupation of Palestine

21 MARCH 2022 • By Yossi Khen, Jeff Warner
U.S. Sanctions Russia for its Invasion of Ukraine; Now Sanction Israel for its Occupation of Palestine
Columns

Nowruz and The Sins of the New Day

21 MARCH 2022 • By Maha Tourbah
Nowruz and The Sins of the New Day
Art

Fiction: “Skin Calluses” by Khalil Younes

15 MARCH 2022 • By Khalil Younes
Fiction: “Skin Calluses” by Khalil Younes
Columns

“There’s Nothing Worse Than War”

24 FEBRUARY 2022 • By Jordan Elgrably
“There’s Nothing Worse Than War”
Fiction

Fiction from “Free Fall”: I fled the city as a murderer whose crime had just been uncovered

15 JANUARY 2022 • By Abeer Esber, Nouha Homad
Fiction from “Free Fall”: I fled the city as a murderer whose crime had just been uncovered
Book Reviews

Temptations of the Imagination: how Jana Elhassan and Samar Yazbek transmogrify the world

10 JANUARY 2022 • By Rana Asfour
Temptations of the Imagination: how Jana Elhassan and Samar Yazbek transmogrify the world
Essays

Syria Through British Eyes

29 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Rana Haddad
Syria Through British Eyes
Fiction

The Promotion (a short story from Saudi Arabia)

22 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Waqar Ahmed
The Promotion (a short story from Saudi Arabia)
Film Reviews

Victims of Discrimination Never Forget in The Forgotten Ones

1 NOVEMBER 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Victims of Discrimination Never Forget in <em>The Forgotten Ones</em>
Featured excerpt

Memoirs of a Militant, My Years in the Khiam Women’s Prison

15 OCTOBER 2021 • By Nawal Qasim Baidoun
Memoirs of a Militant, My Years in the Khiam Women’s Prison
Film Reviews

Will Love Triumph in the Midst of Gaza’s 14-Year Siege?

11 OCTOBER 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Will Love Triumph in the Midst of Gaza’s 14-Year Siege?
Columns

In Flawed Democracies, White Supremacy and Ethnocentrism Flourish

1 AUGUST 2021 • By Mya Guarnieri
In Flawed Democracies, White Supremacy and Ethnocentrism Flourish
Art

Malak Mattar — Gaza Artist and Survivor

14 JULY 2021 • By Jordan Elgrably
Malak Mattar — Gaza Artist and Survivor
Columns

The Semantics of Gaza, War and Truth

14 JULY 2021 • By Mischa Geracoulis
The Semantics of Gaza, War and Truth
Essays

Making a Film in Gaza

14 JULY 2021 • By Elana Golden
Making a Film in Gaza
Weekly

The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter

4 JULY 2021 • By Maryam Zar
The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter
Book Reviews

ISIS and the Absurdity of War in the Age of Twitter

4 JULY 2021 • By Jessica Proett
ISIS and the Absurdity of War in the Age of Twitter
Columns

The Diplomats’ Quarter: Wasta of the Palestinian Authority

14 JUNE 2021 • By Raja Shehadeh
The Diplomats’ Quarter: Wasta of the Palestinian Authority
Book Reviews

The Triumph of Love and the Palestinian Revolution

16 MAY 2021 • By Fouad Mami
Essays

The Wall We Can’t Tell You About

14 MAY 2021 • By Jean Lamore
The Wall We Can’t Tell You About
Art

The Murals of Yemen’s Haifa Subay

14 MAY 2021 • By Farah Abdessamad
The Murals of Yemen’s Haifa Subay

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